A response to Julie Bindel (at the Verso blog)


In what I can only hope is the last time I ever dedicate my precious time and energy to parsing the worldview of RadFems(TM), SWERFs/TERFs (and SERFs – surrogate-exclusionary radical feminists)… I recently wrote a new piece: ‘Not a workplace’: Julie Bindel and the school of wrong abolitionism.

Published a month before the tragic death of veteran sex-working activist Laura Lee, whom it villainises, Bindel’s book The Pimping of Prostitution: Abolishing the Sex Work Myth excludes trans women from womanhood, LGB rights, and feminism, even going so far as to speculate that Sylvia Rivera was not at Stonewall. Indeed, it systematically paints trans women as enemies of feminism, accusing Janet Mock – among many others – of ‘celebrating’ the connection between trans women and sex work (p.282) as part of an “attempt to merge the identities [?] of prostitution and so-called ‘gender-queer’” (p.279). Not content to blame queerness for calls to decriminalise sex-working lives, Bindel then turns around and levels the claim that trans women are overrepresented in sex work for essential reasons: “part of the whole trans woman identity is about presenting as hyper-sexualised” (p.287). We are ultimately presented with a sinister “pact between trans and ‘sex workers’ rights’”, presumably to foist sexual slavery, organised rape and dehumanisation on the (‘natural’) ‘rest’ of womankind.

Most of the piece is not a review of The Pimping of Prostitution, however. It’s a response to a specific article, published in The Guardian. When Bindel came out with the column in question – “Prostitution is not a job. The inside of a woman’s body is not a workplace” – my friend and comrade Petra Davis suggested on Twitter that it might be fun to take it apart word by word, i.e.:

  • The INSIDE of a woman’s body is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a WOMAN’s body is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a woman’s BODY is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a woman’s body is not a WORKPLACE.

So that’s what I did. It’s up at the Verso blog. Here is an excerpt:

For those of us who aren’t fans of work (most workers) it might seem encouraging to see someone sticking it to workplaces. Unfortunately, Julie Bindel doesn’t actually have a problem with jobs per se, far from it; she just thinks that some of them go too far. She names a number of biomarkets – Ukrainian hair selling, “the breast milk trade in Cambodia”, “blood banks in India”, and gestational surrogacy “in the global south” – as examples of what she most abhors, namely, prostitution: “the practice of using human bodies as a marketplace”.

The first thing to note here is the selection of ‘workplace’ and ‘marketplace’ in this context (rather than, say, ‘worker’). We should stop and ask ourselves what ends it serves to suggest that a gestational surrogate, blood donor, or prostitute, in particular, becomes a place – more so than a mother, athlete, call-centre worker or restaurant critic – under capitalism. It’s easy enough to see where bioethical concern is coming from: intimate labours, sexual labours, clinical labours, gestational labours all intuitively demand especially robust frameworks of worker control.

“Let Kimani be the last”

I was asked to write this for the Uprising blog of In These Times magazine. Read the edited version there.


East Flatbush’s latest loss and the struggle against police brutality       

Cops killed Kimani Gray on Saturday March 9th. Every day since then, East Flatbush crowds, mourners and their supporters, have gathered to take a stand against what is widely seen to be a racist paramilitary organization operating in their neighborhood with violent impunity. Its officers murdered this sixteen-year-old, in the absence of any provocation, in the latest of an unrelenting stream of similar incidents across New York City and the US. It is mid-March; police have killed 79 already this year.

Present in last night’s demonstrations were Bronx community activists Constance Malcolm and Frank Graham, the parents of Ramarley Graham, whom the police slayed in his grandmother’s bathroom at close range slightly over a year ago. Disgracefully, this year a federal District Judge lifted the momentary ban on stop and frisk in the Bronx that had been achieved through concerted struggle by groups like Ramarley’s Call and the Stop Mass Incarceration Network in defense of young black men.

Last night, as on every night since Gray’s death, scores of police squads terrorized the growing body of participants in #KimaniGray vigils on Church Avenue. The NYPD arrested Kimani’s sister and an estimated fifty others—mainly local young people, with some outside supporters—who remain detained at several precincts. Protesters faced off police, loudly contesting efforts to net and mass-arrest them throughout the evening. Councilmember Charles Barron told Democracy Now“this is the least that the community could do is to respond and resist.” Since 1.30am on Wednesday Twitter reports have been emerging of East Flatbush as a whole becoming a so-called “Frozen Zone” (the NYPD blithely invented this unofficial and illegal tactic around 9/11).

Heartbreakingly, Kimani was the second brother Mahnefah Gray lost, the second son of Carol Gray’s now dead. Jamar died in a car accident two years ago. Several community accounts tell how Kimani actually suffered taunts from police officers over this bereavement, as well as personal threats. Friends and relatives now bear prints of his face on their shirts and sweaters. Of course, everyone in Flatbush will tell you: many have died. It is worth noting how, ten hours before Kimani’s death, the NYPD killed Clinton James at a traffic stop in Staten Island. According to the Stolen Lives Project, the NYPD kills around two Black or Brown people a month.

So, activists’ enemy in the struggle is also the very logic that normalizes cop-on-gun-violence and permits us to rationalize Black deaths when they involve “gang members”. Kimani has been smeared as a ‘Blood’ and a gangster, as though this (unsubstantiated) fact would make his unprovoked death at the hands of the state OK. In the UK, where gangs hardly exist, police murdered Mark Duggan, sparking riots across the country; Prime Minister David Cameron likewise dragged up the unrelated issue of so-called “gang culture” as a smear tactic. Those out last night refuse to see lives devalorized in this way.

A spokesman for the Police Department declared that the gun “found on the scene”, which, we must repeat, no one except cops has seen, contained four live rounds. So, we are supposed to believe that Kimani, who was attending a baby shower, had a gun on him. He was by all accounts a young man with common sense, too well acquainted for comfort with the dehumanizing ubiquity of Stop and Frisk. Yet we have to believe that he whipped around like Rambo to aim at some plainclothes cops when they suddenly confronted him. This means Ray Kelly is asking us to believe there was reason to shoot, even though Kimani never shot the phantom gun. Even though he pleaded for his life.  Even though the first two bullets knocked him down. Cop message-boards are of course calling this “a justified shooting”. Yet, after the first, Kimani received another six bullets out of the eleven—eleven!—fired at him. Either the plainclothes sergeant, or the officer, is said to have instantly cried out “oh god!” Much, much too late.

We still don’t know the names of Kimani’s murderers. But we know that these trigger-happy “protectors of the peace”, who fired eleven rounds into Kimani’s body, have alleged that he pointed the .38 at them upon being told to freeze for adjusting his waistband “in a suspicious manner”. “Birds’-eye-witness” Tishana King’s testimony directly contradicts the police version of events: King saw that Kiki had nothing in his hands. As Lichi D’Amelio (Ramarley’s Call) commented, the details of the NYPD’s unaccountable and contradictorily narrated murders of, amongst others, Mohamah Bah, Shantel Davis, Reynaldo Cuevas, and particularly Noel Polanco in the last year has lent widespread credence to the claim that it is in fact systemic police practice to lie and even to plant guns at the scene of the crime.

D’Amelio sums up the struggle against police brutality in New York:

“We are not yet at the point where those in power feel that they would be taking enormous political risks by allowing police to continue to kill with impunity. It is up to us, now, to build a movement that can use campaigns such as the fight for CSA and the conviction of Richard Haste to tip the balance of forces in our favor, without losing sight of the goals of ending SQF [Stop, Question and Frisk] and police violence once and for all.”

As the voices from the street put it: let Kimani be the last.