A response to Julie Bindel (at the Verso blog)

A response to Julie Bindel (at the Verso blog)

1991

In what I can only hope is the last time I ever dedicate my precious time and energy to parsing the worldview of RadFems(TM), SWERFs/TERFs (and SERFs – surrogate-exclusionary radical feminists)… I recently wrote a new piece: ‘Not a workplace’: Julie Bindel and the school of wrong abolitionism.

Published a month before the tragic death of veteran sex-working activist Laura Lee, whom it villainises, Bindel’s book The Pimping of Prostitution: Abolishing the Sex Work Myth excludes trans women from womanhood, LGB rights, and feminism, even going so far as to speculate that Sylvia Rivera was not at Stonewall. Indeed, it systematically paints trans women as enemies of feminism, accusing Janet Mock – among many others – of ‘celebrating’ the connection between trans women and sex work (p.282) as part of an “attempt to merge the identities [?] of prostitution and so-called ‘gender-queer’” (p.279). Not content to blame queerness for calls to decriminalise sex-working lives, Bindel then turns around and levels the claim that trans women are overrepresented in sex work for essential reasons: “part of the whole trans woman identity is about presenting as hyper-sexualised” (p.287). We are ultimately presented with a sinister “pact between trans and ‘sex workers’ rights’”, presumably to foist sexual slavery, organised rape and dehumanisation on the (‘natural’) ‘rest’ of womankind.

Most of the piece is not a review of The Pimping of Prostitution, however. It’s a response to a specific article, published in The Guardian. When Bindel came out with the column in question – “Prostitution is not a job. The inside of a woman’s body is not a workplace” – my friend and comrade Petra Davis suggested on Twitter that it might be fun to take it apart word by word, i.e.:

  • The INSIDE of a woman’s body is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a WOMAN’s body is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a woman’s BODY is not a workplace.
  • The inside of a woman’s body is not a WORKPLACE.

So that’s what I did. It’s up at the Verso blog. Here is an excerpt:

For those of us who aren’t fans of work (most workers) it might seem encouraging to see someone sticking it to workplaces. Unfortunately, Julie Bindel doesn’t actually have a problem with jobs per se, far from it; she just thinks that some of them go too far. She names a number of biomarkets – Ukrainian hair selling, “the breast milk trade in Cambodia”, “blood banks in India”, and gestational surrogacy “in the global south” – as examples of what she most abhors, namely, prostitution: “the practice of using human bodies as a marketplace”.

The first thing to note here is the selection of ‘workplace’ and ‘marketplace’ in this context (rather than, say, ‘worker’). We should stop and ask ourselves what ends it serves to suggest that a gestational surrogate, blood donor, or prostitute, in particular, becomes a place – more so than a mother, athlete, call-centre worker or restaurant critic – under capitalism. It’s easy enough to see where bioethical concern is coming from: intimate labours, sexual labours, clinical labours, gestational labours all intuitively demand especially robust frameworks of worker control.

Now’s the chance to stop the NYPD

I wrote this for In These Times: read it there at the Uprising blog.

Whether or not we think that cops can—meaningfully—be tried and sentenced in the courts, there is every reason to closely watch the class-action law-suit Floyd et al vs. City of New York. Multiple new and long-term struggles against the Police Department’s systemic, bloody, and racist violence are now converging. Among them we must count the movement for justice for Kimani Gray, Stop Stop and Frisk, Stop Police Brutality, the CPR, Ramarley’s Call—Ramarley Graham’s parents link his death with stop-and-frisk—and those still battling for justice for the “Central Park Five”. Thanks to prosecution witnesses Officers Polanco and Serrano, the police union (PBA) has recently been proven to collude in the implementation of quotas: bosses have demanded 20 summonses and 1 arrest per precinct per month. This is, it goes without saying, an interesting and an important moment for New York.

Some reminders of the facts: with 87% of those frisked being Black or Latino, and 88% innocent of any crime, so-called crime prevention would be far better off performing stops blind. The police don’t often put their hands on the group which, when stopped and frisked, is most likely to be carrying guns or marijuana. NYCLU statistics confirm this: cops do not detain and handle the bodies of white people very often at all, though when they do, they are able to seize a relatively high proportion of the aforementioned commodities. The Center for Constitutional Rights, and class action, director Vince Warren thunders, “They’re not stopping the people that have the weapons”.

Yet the premise of the policy “Stop-Question-Frisk” (SQF) is, Michael Bloomberg says, to “take guns off the street and save lives”. He alleges there is “no denying” the thousands of SQFs imposed each month accomplish this. But this means the mayor sees undeniable proof of a policy in a O.15% success rate. As Michael Skolnik explains, police would find more guns if they stopped and frisked the population entirely at random.

As decades of bitter experience under the terrors of “drug crackdowns” have taught, there is no “random” where police violence is concerned. By generalizing fear, it effectively disciplines poor neighborhoods en masse. Quotas seem arbitrary: over a million hours were wasted on petty marijuana seizures between 2002 and 2012, most of those harassed being Black and Latino. Stores of evidence have accrued that officers routinely trample UF-250 protocol, penetrating beneath clothing without reasonable suspicion, humiliating locals and aiming to produce summons- or arrest-worthy behaviors—like possessing a small amount of pot in public view, a cop having conveniently removed it from one’s pocket—through trickery, provocation and, often, sheer verbal or physical hatred. One helpful example of the latter remains Ross Tuttle’s October 2012 documentation of an arrest that included explicit threats to “break your fucking arm”, recorded as such, “for being a fucking mutt”.

In this context,  the case led by David Floyd—namely that racial profiling is unconstitutional—began on Monday just as a number of uneasy city lawmakers agonized over a deal to install an inspector general over the force. Activists are hoping to leverage Christine Quinn’s fierce opposition to Bloomberg, in support of an independent overseer, in challenging Ray Kelly’s hitherto autocratic sovereignty over the handling of officers accused of crimes. “We have a genuine chance right now”, enthused a person identified with Copwatch, present on Wednesday’s overflow room, “to win victories against this ‘rogue’ state organization”.

The City’s lawyers, Heidi Grossman and Brenda Cooke, are currently warming up to give Judge Schira Scheindlin a second week’s worth of defense arguments out of many anticipated in this long-haul class action. Both have, predictably, so far echoed Ray Kelly in passionately arguing—with bare-faced disregard of maps like these produced with the NYPD’s own data—that stop-and-frisk is not about racism, but quite simply “where the crime is”. In fact, as Warren repeats, more guns are found outside SQF hotspots. A Deputy Inspector, covertly recorded while ordering officers to frisk “the right people … male blacks 14-21” is tentatively thought to have sunk the City’s argument. Darius Charney, senior CCR staff attorney and lead counsel in the action, believes “it’s going to be debunked completely”.

Hundreds of community members, activists, mourners, and habitual victims of police violence, grouped in- and outside 500 Pearl Street this week. Some stress it shouldn’t matter whether a target of a stop does have a gun or not. “Regardless! Cops shouldn’t be shooting to kill! Yet they are shooting to kill us every time, look at RamarleyShantel,Kimani…” cried a woman standing with the Bronx Defenders last Friday, with reference to three notable young Black fatalities of the past year. “Can we even imagine America where the second amendment applies to Black people?” added Jamila Clark, 19, from East Flatbush, standing outside the court.

The struggle against police brutality in New York won victories against Giuliani, but now desperately needs to re-gather force within a strong left movement in order to tackle Bloomberg’s administration and escalate the issue. Slayings rose 70% last year, and SQFs have rocketed 600% since 2002. Back in 1999, thanks to a formidable movement taking the streets, the Center for Constitutional Rights successfully litigated against Police Commissioner Bratton to shut down the plainclothes Street Crimes Unitfollowing their frenzied shooting of Amadou Diallo, who died—unarmed, as is the pattern—outside his own home in the Bronx.

Now, once again, we face the question of what a just and a desirable NYPD might look like in the imagination of the communities it besieges, whose vigils it ham-fistedly beats and kettles. Contrary to Inspector McCormack’s claim that “the community overwhelmingly is supportive of it”In These Times found no one demonstrating to #changethenypd with a single kind word for the Department. “Let the City send the Bronx some decent housing, medical, schools, you know, help with childcare!—instead of racist thugs in uniform. Then we’ll talk” suggested Elric Amin, 28.

It has been pointed out that Mourad Mourad and Jovaniel Cordova, the killers of Kimani Gray, were both sued over abuse of stop-and-frisk. Though both were themselves “minority” individuals, to take a famous phrase from Stuart Hall, race is the modality in which class is lived in New York City. A Black community fightback may continue to gain momentum, whether or not Floyd et al. gain their formal judicial breakthrough in Manhattan. Only continued mobilization by all in solidarity can ensure it. When, if not now, will it be possible to stop the NYPD?

Image

“Let Kimani be the last”

I was asked to write this for the Uprising blog of In These Times magazine. Read the edited version there.

Image

East Flatbush’s latest loss and the struggle against police brutality       

Cops killed Kimani Gray on Saturday March 9th. Every day since then, East Flatbush crowds, mourners and their supporters, have gathered to take a stand against what is widely seen to be a racist paramilitary organization operating in their neighborhood with violent impunity. Its officers murdered this sixteen-year-old, in the absence of any provocation, in the latest of an unrelenting stream of similar incidents across New York City and the US. It is mid-March; police have killed 79 already this year.

Present in last night’s demonstrations were Bronx community activists Constance Malcolm and Frank Graham, the parents of Ramarley Graham, whom the police slayed in his grandmother’s bathroom at close range slightly over a year ago. Disgracefully, this year a federal District Judge lifted the momentary ban on stop and frisk in the Bronx that had been achieved through concerted struggle by groups like Ramarley’s Call and the Stop Mass Incarceration Network in defense of young black men.

Last night, as on every night since Gray’s death, scores of police squads terrorized the growing body of participants in #KimaniGray vigils on Church Avenue. The NYPD arrested Kimani’s sister and an estimated fifty others—mainly local young people, with some outside supporters—who remain detained at several precincts. Protesters faced off police, loudly contesting efforts to net and mass-arrest them throughout the evening. Councilmember Charles Barron told Democracy Now“this is the least that the community could do is to respond and resist.” Since 1.30am on Wednesday Twitter reports have been emerging of East Flatbush as a whole becoming a so-called “Frozen Zone” (the NYPD blithely invented this unofficial and illegal tactic around 9/11).

Heartbreakingly, Kimani was the second brother Mahnefah Gray lost, the second son of Carol Gray’s now dead. Jamar died in a car accident two years ago. Several community accounts tell how Kimani actually suffered taunts from police officers over this bereavement, as well as personal threats. Friends and relatives now bear prints of his face on their shirts and sweaters. Of course, everyone in Flatbush will tell you: many have died. It is worth noting how, ten hours before Kimani’s death, the NYPD killed Clinton James at a traffic stop in Staten Island. According to the Stolen Lives Project, the NYPD kills around two Black or Brown people a month.

So, activists’ enemy in the struggle is also the very logic that normalizes cop-on-gun-violence and permits us to rationalize Black deaths when they involve “gang members”. Kimani has been smeared as a ‘Blood’ and a gangster, as though this (unsubstantiated) fact would make his unprovoked death at the hands of the state OK. In the UK, where gangs hardly exist, police murdered Mark Duggan, sparking riots across the country; Prime Minister David Cameron likewise dragged up the unrelated issue of so-called “gang culture” as a smear tactic. Those out last night refuse to see lives devalorized in this way.

A spokesman for the Police Department declared that the gun “found on the scene”, which, we must repeat, no one except cops has seen, contained four live rounds. So, we are supposed to believe that Kimani, who was attending a baby shower, had a gun on him. He was by all accounts a young man with common sense, too well acquainted for comfort with the dehumanizing ubiquity of Stop and Frisk. Yet we have to believe that he whipped around like Rambo to aim at some plainclothes cops when they suddenly confronted him. This means Ray Kelly is asking us to believe there was reason to shoot, even though Kimani never shot the phantom gun. Even though he pleaded for his life.  Even though the first two bullets knocked him down. Cop message-boards are of course calling this “a justified shooting”. Yet, after the first, Kimani received another six bullets out of the eleven—eleven!—fired at him. Either the plainclothes sergeant, or the officer, is said to have instantly cried out “oh god!” Much, much too late.

We still don’t know the names of Kimani’s murderers. But we know that these trigger-happy “protectors of the peace”, who fired eleven rounds into Kimani’s body, have alleged that he pointed the .38 at them upon being told to freeze for adjusting his waistband “in a suspicious manner”. “Birds’-eye-witness” Tishana King’s testimony directly contradicts the police version of events: King saw that Kiki had nothing in his hands. As Lichi D’Amelio (Ramarley’s Call) commented, the details of the NYPD’s unaccountable and contradictorily narrated murders of, amongst others, Mohamah Bah, Shantel Davis, Reynaldo Cuevas, and particularly Noel Polanco in the last year has lent widespread credence to the claim that it is in fact systemic police practice to lie and even to plant guns at the scene of the crime.

D’Amelio sums up the struggle against police brutality in New York:

“We are not yet at the point where those in power feel that they would be taking enormous political risks by allowing police to continue to kill with impunity. It is up to us, now, to build a movement that can use campaigns such as the fight for CSA and the conviction of Richard Haste to tip the balance of forces in our favor, without losing sight of the goals of ending SQF [Stop, Question and Frisk] and police violence once and for all.”

As the voices from the street put it: let Kimani be the last.